The Guidelines for National Unification begin with the following words: “The unification of China is meant to bring about a strong and prosperous nation with a long-lasting, bright future for its people; it is the common wish of Chinese people at home and abroad.” The guidelines were adopted on February 23, 1991, by the National Unification Council, under the Office of the President, and by the Executive Yuan Council (Cabinet). It is an important and forward-looking document, addressing pertinent issues of the moment between the two sides of the Taiwan Straits as well as pointing out the steps for future unification of the country.
At present, China is headed in two different directions. The mainland, noted for its vast territory and population, has failed to win international respectability because it remains politically repressive and economically backward. Conversely, Taiwan has achieved attention for its sustained political development and economic growth, but it still attracts comparatively little world recognition. The contrast is stark: the mainland is neither democratic nor modern, and Taiwan, with its four decades of economic and political progress, has created a prototype of democratic governance and economic development.
Yet the whole process “will require patience and thoughtful reasoning, not naive responses to facile slogans.”
The Chinese people are challenged by a Gordian knot. The country is divided, yet its people long for unity. They are at odds with themselves, yet they seek resolution. But this is not a hangman's knot, because the goal is unification, not destruction. The two sides of the Taiwan Straits have one firm belief in common: Peking and Taipei both declare that Taiwan is an integral part of China, and that Taiwan can never be an independent nation. China must someday and somehow be united.
Nevertheless, at a time when Taiwan is doing its utmost to promote democratic reform, a small minority of people are advocating an independent Taiwan. Such advocacy, whatever its rationale, cannot be welcomed for the eminently practical reason that it introduces too many unpredictable variables into an already complex equation, and too much discord in an already volatile situation. This also holds true for the similarly small minority of people who press eagerly for Taiwan's “return to the motherland.” Such urgency likewise adds unnecessary and undesirable complexity and controversy to the issue. Both positions ignore historical and present realities, and they do not contribute to a peaceful, thoughtful process for unification.
China “belongs to all Chinese. It does not belong to the Chinese Communists or to the Kuomintang. Equating a 'party' with the 'country' is universally understood to be archaic and anachronistic.”
Instead, the first step should be to engage in meaningful dialogue with the mainland. This is a more rational approach toward unification, a process that will require patience and thoughtful reasoning, not naive responses to facile slogans. If fighting broke out between the two sides, would not the Chinese once again experience the tragedy of a war-tornnation? On the other hand, if the two sides were to negotiate unification, it would be a matter of pride for all Chinese.
The Guidelines for National Unification can serve as a map to navigate a safe course through the challenging times ahead. The guidelines call not for a unified Communist China, but for a unified democratic China. Therefore, they conclude that “The timing and manner of China's unification should first respect the rights and interests of the people in the Taiwan area, and protect their security and welfare. It should be achieved in gradual phases under the principles of reason, peace, parity, and reciprocity.”
China belongs to all Chinese. It does not belong to the Chinese Communists or to the Kuomintang. Equating a “party” with the “country” is universally understood to be archaic and anachronistic, and can no longer be acceptable in the 1990s. Hard though it will be, past injustices, grudges, and past wrongs should be buried so that the Chinese of this and future generations will not have to shoulder the heavy burden of history and fight the battles of those long since departed.
Difficult though it will be, "past injustices, grudges, and past wrongs should be buried so that the Chinese of this and future generations will not have to shoulder the heavy burden of history."
Thus, the principles of unification outlined in the guidelines emphasizes that “The unification of China should be for the welfare of all its people and not be subject to partisan conflict.” The guidelines also say that both sides of the Straits should build a unified China by fostering “a consensus of democracy, freedom, and equal prosperity.” This can be accomplished after “an appropriate period of forthright exchange, cooperation, and consultation.”
As Chinese look to the future, they must not forget their historical obligations and abiding ties to China. Thus, Communist China must be transformed into a nation that belongs to all Chinese. But for there to be a China of the people, regardless of the ruling party, it must reflect the aspirations of all the people.
Shackled by poverty, backwardness, and political oppression, mainland Chinese aspire to greater freedom and basic human rights. They want to escape from poverty through a market economy, and from political rhetoric by a qualitative transformation of the educational system. In addition, they want freedom from what has become an intellectually and economically devastating cycle of political movements, and a reaffirmation at all levels of the importance of the individual and family-centered ethics. These concerns are reflected in the third principle of the unification guidelines, which states: “China's unification should aim at promoting Chinese culture, safeguarding human dignity, guaranteeing fundamental human rights, and practicing democracy and the rule of law.”
Bottom line – unification should aim at “promoting Chinese culture, safeguarding human dignity, guaranteeing fundamental human rights, and practicing democracy and the rule of law.”
After forty years of separation, the authorities on the two sides of the Taiwan Straits cannot be expected to rush warmly into one another's arms or immediately approach the negotiation table. First, hostility must be eliminated by establishing a mutually beneficial relationship through exchanges that promote better understanding of each other's concerns, questions, and fears.
Throughout this confidence-building process, difficult though it may beat times, it must be remembered that China's unification is the only path for creating a free, democratic, and equitably prosperous China. There is a map for the progress of China's national unification, but as yet there can be no timetable for reaching the goal.
Nevertheless, the guidelines provide a step-by-step process of unification: a short-term phase of exchanges, a medium-term phase of mutual cooperation, and a long-term phase of consultation. Perseverance will be paramount. As President Lee Teng-hui pointed out in a press conference on April 30, 1991, “We must wait patiently for a positive response.... We can wait ten or even twenty years.... “
While the Peking authorities continually push for direct postal, transportation, and commercial links between the two sides, Taipei believes that the establishment of such links belongs rather in the medium-term phase of the unification process. The short-term phase must be completed first. The basic principles underlying this phase are as follows:
• Neither side should threaten the other's security or stability.
• Neither side should deny the other's existence as a political entity.
• Both sides should establish intermediary organizations to protect the rights and interests of people on both sides of the Taiwan Straits.
• The mainland should implement economic reform, gradually increase the scope of free expression of public opinion, and implement both democracy and the rule of law.
• The Republic of China on Taiwan should accelerate constitutional reform, promote national development, and establish a society of equitable prosperity.
• Both sides should end their state of animosity and, under the principle of one China, solve all disputes through peaceful means.
• Both sides should respect – not reject – each other in the international community.
This phase of reciprocity is simply the first step on the way to unification. The next is the medium-term phase, where there is greater mutual trust and cooperation between the two sides. A summary of activities in this stage follows:
• People-to-people exchanges will lead to official exchanges, creating equal channels of communication.
• The three links of post, transportation, and commerce will change from indirect to direct.
• The two sides will work together to develop the southeastern coastal region of China and other areas.
• The two sides will help each other to participate in international organizations and activities.
• High-level personnel from both sides will visit each other, creating favorable conditions for the discussion of unification.
During this second phase, one could expect some significant changes of attitude to occur on the mainland because of its greater exposure to the “Taiwan Experience.” What might the mainland do to pattern itself after Taiwan's development model? Here are some suggestions for the mainland:
• Permit private ownership to encourage the accumulation of wealth.
• Carry out land reform to increase the incentive for farmers to produce more.
• Control the government budget more tightly to minimize the threat of inflation.
• Encourage the growth of small and medium-size enterprises to replace unprofitable public enterprises.
• Increase investment incentives to bolster the entrepreneurial spirit.
• Respect the functions of a market economy in order to reduce the economic distortion caused by central control.
• Emphasize social justice to curtail monopolies of privilege.
• Expand educational opportunities and increase the respect due intellectuals.
• Encourage the export of goods to earn foreign exchange.
If the implementation of the medium-term phase proceeds smoothly, mainland China will no longer be backward, and the nation will move closer toward unification. At this point, the long-term phase of mutual consultation can begin, leading to unification. Yet, even the most optimistic person would not expect to see this occurring before the beginning of the twenty-first century.
According to the guidelines, during the long-term phase a consultative organization for unification should be established through which both sides will discuss the task of unification and map out a constitutional system to establish a democratic, free, and equitably prosperous China. This will be done in accordance with the will of the people in both the mainland and Taiwan areas, “while adhering to the goals of democracy, economic freedom, social justice, and nationalization of armed forces.”
It is said in a classic Chinese novel that “the kingdom will be reunited after a long period of division.” If this is achieved, then the turmoil and tribulations that the Chinese people have endured for the past century will, at long last, be swept away. The successful completion of the unification plan outlined in the guidelines will permit the Chinese people to put the poet Yu Kwang-chung's eloquently expressed feelings for China behind them: “China, O China, the anguish that wracked your entire being is my anguish/ The humiliation that scars your face is my humiliation.”
In contemporary times, dynasties no longer rise and fall. There must be only the determination to rebuild one's home and reunify one's family. Under a unified China, the Chinese people will ultimately gain greater recognition and respect around the world. More importantly, they will have found a home together once again, and China will become whole, a nation no longer divided. – Charles H.C. Kao (高希均) is professor of economics at the University of Wisconsin, River Falls, and is president of Global Views Monthly, published in Taipei.